How Gingrich's Earmark Regime Led To Cunningham Corruption

Now, in a letter to the former speaker that was first reported by the Voice of San Diego nonprofit news organization, we learn that Cunningham, describing himself as "down but not out," is talking up Gingrich's merits among other prisoners. By his own tally, he has "80% of inmates that would vote for you." (Of course, they can't legally vote. But Cunningham suggests their relatives may.) He also acknowledges his endorsement could "do more harm than good," since it comes from a disgraced ex-congressman whose "bribe menu" is still famous and well-remembered.

What is less well known is that Gingrich was the prime enabler of Cunningham's corruption among many, many enablers. As a member of the team at Copley News Service that uncovered that corruption and as co-author of a book about Cunningham, I found Gingrich's role to be one of the fascinating footnotes of the Cunningham saga. It was Gingrich who championed the explosion of earmarks after Republicans gained control of the House in 1995. And it was Gingrich who rode roughshod over the objections of senior House Republicans and ordered him to get the plum committee assignments that allowed him to demand his bribes for defense and intelligence earmarks.

Gingrich personally called Jim Dyer, then the staff director for the Appropriations Committee, and personally dictated the assignment. But then-Chairman Bob Livingston of Louisiana howled in protest. His response, he told us in an interview for the book, was "Hell, no!" Like other senior Republicans, he had doubts about Cunningham's intelligence and maturity. Then-Rep. Ray LaHood, who served on the committee, said, "I don't know that he was a really bright person." Livingston was livid as well that Gingrich had bypassed more deserving Republicans. "I thought he was pulling rank and jumping over a lot of guys who had served on appropriations a number of years and were dying to get on the defense subcommittee," he said.
 
Future committee chairman Rep. Jerry Lewis also was "ticked off," according to a former Capitol Hill insider. "He thought Duke was a meathead." Another staffer described "universal chagrin on the committee because Duke was regarded as a loose cannon and a poor fit on the committee." Then-Rep. Robert Dornan - a Cunningham friend - recalled that he asked at the time, "Is he smart enough for the job?"

But Gingrich ignored all the protests. He was more impressed with Cunningham's Vietnam war record and his status as the first Ace to serve in Congress. And Gingrich wanted to reward Cunningham for his prowess at raising money for other Republicans. In the just-concluded 1996 elections, Cunningham claimed to have raised more than $1 million for the GOP and campaigned for more than 60 other Republicans. For Gingrich, the committee posts were payback. So the appointment to the Defense Appropriations Subcommittee took effect Jan. 6, 1997. Another lucrative payback came at the behest of another speaker, Rep. Dennis Hastert, who made sure Cunningham was added to the Select Committee on Intelligence on Jan. 23, 2001.

Gingrich and Hastert also combined to enable Cunningham in another important way. They oversaw the emasculation of the House Ethics Committee, eliminating most oversight functions and helping Cunningham's bribe-taking from being detected for years and leaving it to reporters to uncover. It was only after the 2006 election, in which Democrats repeatedly cited Cunningham and talked about a "culture of corruption" that Gingrich voiced any second thoughts. "We tolerated corruption in a way that was totally unacceptable to our base," he grudgingly acknowledged after Republicans were spanked in that election.

Is it any wonder that Cunningham sobbed on the House floor when Gingrich announced on Nov. 5, 1998, that he was stepping down as speaker and leaving Congress? And is it any wonder that we learn Cunningham, as he sits in prison, still gushes about Gingrich? He's just showing proper gratitude for all that Gingrich did for him.